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              <text>Liam Eynan</text>
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              <text>In Smithers precinct, excuses are used to stop eligible black men from voting.</text>
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              <text>Voting</text>
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              <text>It is the same thing that has been carried on secretly ever since machine rule has been the dominant power in Virginia, only this is on a larger scale. The result of the registration in this noted precinct has been the disfranchisement of many bona fide voters. The registration was a farce. The voters who were registered were challenged and crossed questioned for more than quarter of an hour. Thus Syrcle endeavored to kill time, but whenever it was known that any white men present was affiliated with the Free Silverites, the registrars refused to challenge them, and pronounced them "All Right."
It was not until 6:20 that the polls were thrown open, 15 minutes late. A large crowd meanwhile surged around the place; and immediately after the doors were thrown open the men massed themselves solidly in front of the little carpenter shop of W. C. John &amp; Sons, on Mechanicsville Turnpike.
The Boundary of Smither's precinct has the Chickahominy swamp for its northern boundary line; the west side of 26th street from Carrington to the swamp forms the eastern boundary line; the city of Richmond to the C &amp; O. railroad forms the southern boundary line while the C &amp; O road forms the western.
In this precinct there has been more robbery on the part of the Democratic machine than perhaps in any other. The larger portion of the inhabitants are colored but J.R. Syrcle (white) whose political faith in Free Silver is unbounded, is the registrar. It is he who has been so frequently away from home every night in the week to keep from registering the colored voters. 
Many attempts has been made by the colored people to get registered at his home but they invariably reply, "He is not in."
Some went so far as to go to his home at every hour of the night from 7 p. m. to 3 a. m. but all in vain. Last Saturday was the regular registration day. Syrcle with two co-adjutors, W. H. Moseley and James Cannon duly ensconced themselves in the little shop.
It was evident from the start that it was their supreme object to kill as much time in registering voters a possible and right manfully did he succeed for when the polls closed at sun down there were nearly sixty bona tide voters who had not been registered. Messrs. Barton H. Wise and Randolph Williams were present in the interest of the Gold Democrats while Messrs. Hugh Antrim and Morgan Treat endeavored to use their influence on the behalf of the Republicans.
The tactics employed by Syrcle were so flagrant and contemptible that many turned away disgusted.
Several colored men were compelled to answer a long string of trivial questions; sometimes their category would become exhausted and then he would turn away and chat with friends leaving the voter to his own reflection.
Here are a fair sample of the main questions to be answered: "Who your mother?" "Where'd she live in your boyhood?” "How many times have you been married?" "How many times have you moved?" "How do you spell your name?" Sometimes case of a very old man, "Can you prove you are 21," etc.
11 o'clock Mr. James Goranns who had been standing in line since daybreak wanted to get a transfer to Manquin, King William County, succeeded in getting another gentleman to take his place in line until he could get his transfer as soon as possible that he could get back home in time to register. Syrcle saw the occurrence and drove him back to the rear. It was nearly 5 o'clock before he succeeded in getting it and then it was too late to do him any good.
Mr. Henry Mayne who resides 1896 Short P street induced a man to change places as he was in a hurry to catch the train. The change was made, but Syrcle refused to wait on him, and wasted enough time in forcing a self made rule to register two men.
Mr. Ben Daniels applied for registration with a proper transfer made out in proper form. He was put through a long list of useless question. He claimed that he lived at corner of Fairfield and 17th street. Syrcle told him that he lived in the city, Daniels insisted that he lived in county and that the corporation which mark the dividing line between the city and county was just in front of his house. His expostulations were all in vain and he was denied the privilege of registering.
There were many who stayed away from work for the express purpose of registering, only to be disfranchised. One gentleman who lives on the road, who had been at the polls ne all day, when he went to draw money for his work received only 55 cents instead of $1.66.
Syrcle did every thing in his power to kill time. Nearly all black applicants were ordered to spell their names matter whether it was Jones or Brown and if they couldn't this was the signal for many valuable minutes to be lost. Syrcle claimed as his excuse for not registering the 60 voters, that applicant asked so many unnecessary questions that it consumed so much of the time when in reality he and his colleagues did the talking. His five men were registered an hour much partiality was shown, colored people are indignant and threats of appealing to the law are heard on every hand.
The case of Benjamin Daniels is before the legal authorities and interesting developments are likely to be produced.</text>
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              <text>Upper Left Quadrant</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Richmond Planet&lt;/i&gt;</text>
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                <text>1896-10-31</text>
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                <text>Smithers Precinct</text>
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              <text>Liam Eynan</text>
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              <text>A commentary on voter fraud and disenfranchisement during the 1896 presidential election.</text>
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              <text>https://virginiachronicle.com/cgi-bin/virginia?a=d&amp;d=RP18961107.1.2&amp;e=-------en-20--1--txt-txIN-------</text>
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              <text>It is only a question of a very short time when the people of Jackson Ward will refuse to submit to the outrageous robbery which is visited upon them at every election.
No one who gazed upon those long lines of citizens of color waiting in vain to exercise the rights guaranteed under the constitution of Virginia and the constitution of the United States can fail to admire their fidelity to principle and their devotion to the cause which they love so well.
Democratic challengers resorted to all sorts of expedients, and tested the patience of the voters solely.
We make no secret when we say that we shall not hesitate or scruple to advise the colored men to stand for their rights and take the consequences.
If the time has come that we must be placed in jail for demanding our rights and insisting upon the exercise of constitutional privileges, the sooner we get there the better. One thing we believe, and that is that the filling of the prisons with colored men of respectability and character would be an object lesson to our better class of white citizens and in clarion tones plead successfully our cause in a manner that no other course could do.
The robber will always continue to rob as long as he can do so with impunity, and with a certainty of financial reward. Some of the Democratic judges in Jackson Ward are perjurers and should be in the Virginia penitentiary, instead of being longer permitted to maltreat and oppress an inoffensive and God fearing people.
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              <text>Upper Left Quadrant</text>
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                <text>Nov.docx</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Richmond Planet&lt;/i&gt;</text>
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                <text>1896-11-07</text>
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                <text>That Bare-Faced Robbery</text>
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              <text>Liam Eynan</text>
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              <text>This article speaks of the white reaction to the scandal of the disfranchisement faced by black voters in the 1896 presidential election.</text>
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              <text>We confess that we are mystified, not to say surprised at the attitude of some of our white friends who profess an observance of great principles and a respect for the religion of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.
They too are now endeavoring to find some method of retreat from the logical sequence of their position, by proposing, not a constitutional convention, but legislation which would have the same effect by being passed upon by two succeeding legislatures.
This is a bare-faced proposition submitted on the face of the fact that over four thousand citizens were denied the right of franchise by one form of trickery or the other. The citizen of color is by no means a menace to free institutions. His clannishness is built upon existing conditions and would disappear upon the passing away of those environments which threaten vital rights and privileges.
White men are fearful lest they be charged with defending or placed in the attitude of punishing white men who have committed crimes upon the Afro-American. This "chicken-heartedness" was manifest, not only on election-day, but in the trial of J. R. Syrcle, the oath-breaking registrar of Smither's Precinct, Henrico County Va.
It seems that supine submission, a desire for peace produces contempt even among those of our white friend who counsel such a course.
We insist that the encroachment up on the rights and privileges of colored men will result in the curtailing of the same in men of a lighter hue. 
Condoning outrage, nullifying the plain provisions of the constitution will hand down not only to this generation but to succeeding ones bloody results of our folly.
We shall contend for our rights, regardless of which party is in power and oppose any man or men who would in the slightest degree sacrifice those principles which are to us most dear.</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Richmond Planet&lt;/i&gt;</text>
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                <text>1896-11-21</text>
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                <text>The Afro-American and the Vote</text>
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              <text>Brian Schrott</text>
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              <text>The Planet emphasizes the racism of the Richmond Dispatch and talks about their “chronic attacks of Negro-phobia.”</text>
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              <text>The Richmond Va., Dispatch continues to suffer from chronic attacks of Negro-phobia. From its position in favor of a constitutional convention it ingloriously retreats, and assigns as its reason that a Negro’s vote will have as much weight as that of a white man’s.&#13;
It is a pity that no senitorium exists in this country for the cure of such ailments. This journal and its management have our sympathy.&#13;
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              <text>The “unconstitutional ‘constitutional’ convention in South Carolina” plans to formally disfranchise the black man at the start of the new year.</text>
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              <text>The provisions of the acts of the unconstitutional “constitutional” convention in South Carolina will go into effect January 1, 1898. Only twelve thousand colored citizens out of a total of one hundred and twenty-eight thousand have registered under its provisions while ninety thousand white citizens are names as having complied with the requirements.
Some of our contemporaries of color are much wrought up over this condition of affairs and see dire disaster for us as a people so far as South Carolina is concerned.
We do not share in this opinion. We will be no worse off than we were before. These prejudiced bourbon democrats have simply put into the constitution that which they have been practicing without its authority. They have poisoned the fountain-head of the government itself and henceforth will flow therefrom corruption, which in due course of time will pollute not only the present generation, but those who are to follow after.
There are immutable laws, the violation of which brings punishment. Were this not so ethics would be falsehoods and the Bible a mockery.
Twelve thousand colored votes will be more potent in the present condition of affairs in shaping the destinies of South Carolina, than were the 128,000 before. White men will think that the Negro will “cut no figure” and will sooner or later divide; and so evenly that two thousand Negro votes will be effective in settling the contest one way or the other.
Under the present regime, unmarred so to speak by this unconstitutional “constitutional” enactment, Hon. G. W. Murray is making a fight for his seat in the halls of Congress.
The time will yet come when the unrest caused by this action will result in the discomfiture of the leading parties to the robbery.
When white men have no Negroes to disfranchise, they proceed to operate upon the weaker elements of their own people. Let us not be discouraged. Let us have hope, the Almighty has this matter in hand and fretting and impatient utterances should not cause us to forget that, – the “hand of God is in all history.”</text>
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              <text>Mitchell condemns the Richmond Times Dispatch for inconsistencies, and says that it has "dropped to the advocacy of a national wrong."</text>
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              <text>THE RICHMOND, Va., TIMES is nothing, if it is not inconsistent. From platitudes upon the final triumph of great principles, it has dropped to the advocacy of a national wrong. It would disfranchise  the citizen of color. It would legalize anarchy and commission crime. If not this, then what does its utterance mean? Under the caption “BOOKER WASHINGTON’S Mistake” it says in the issue of the 14th inst:
“A bill is pending before the Georgia Legislatures, called the Hardwick bill, which aims at disfranchising a large majority of the Negro voters of the State under some sort of pretexts concerning education and “lineal descent” whatever that can mean for a Negro. There was a large meeting of what are called “representative Negroes” held in Atlanta last week, and a memorial was signed by them to the Georgia Legislature praying that body not to pass the bill.
Booker Washington, the Negro who is at the head of the Negro industrial school at Tuskegee, Alabama, took part in the meeting and made himself very active in it.</text>
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              <text>An editor of a newspaper in New York asks John Mitchel’s opinion about the effect of disfranchisement.</text>
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              <text>Managing Editor,
        	“The Planet”
                    	Richmond, Virginia
Dear Sir:--
        	A correspondent writes to us from Birmingham, Ala., predicting that the disfranchisement of the Negroes will eliminate the race question from politics and that it will rapidly be followed by a breaking up of the “Solid South.”
        	He is both enthusiastic and emphatic in declaring that Alabama, and subsequently a number of other Southern States, will soon be in the Republican column.
        	Will you kindly give the Tribune your views on this matter?
                                                        	Yours very truly,
                                                                    	James Martin,
                                                                                	News Editor
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              <text>Virginian Legislators move to hold a Constitutional convention in order to “disfranchise” African American voters</text>
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              <text>It is reported that Gov. J. Hoge Tyler so reluctantly affixed his signature to the bill providing for the holding of a constitutional convention that when he completed the act, he involuntarily exclaimed “God save common wealth!” This convention has been ordered for the avowed purpose of violating the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States which Gov. Tyler and every other member of that body are sworn to maintain and support. In the blind effort to strike down the citizen of color, these prejudiced Virginians are endangering the safety of the commonwealth itself. Article XV of the Federal Constitution reads: “The right of the citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. The congress shall have the power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.” We do not need any Supreme Court of the United States to construe that provision for us. It is specific and plain. A child can understand it. Every citizen, white and colored, is sworn to respect that provision of the law. And yet demagogues are boldly announcing that they are about to hold a constitutional convention for the purpose of taking away from Negroes only their rights to vote. Prominent Democratic journals, presumed to be of character and of standing are openly advocating the doctrine to disfranchise no white man, but disqualify all colored ones. Is it at all surprising then that in the face of such degeneracy, the Chief Executive of this state should exclaim “God save the commonwealth!” But there are other white men who are equally astounded at the apparent disregard of law and contempt for principles. We have noted some soul-stirring articles from the former slave-holding white men, who were reared by black mammies, but nothing has stirred us more than the following extract from the news-columns of the Richmond, Va., Dispatch of the 28 instant: “Ex-Governor Charles T. O’Ferrall has been mentioned in complimentary terms as a valuable man for the constitutional convention, and one Virginia paper has come out editorially for him. As a matter of fact, however, Colonel O’Ferrall hasn’t given a single thought to such a thing. He is immersed in a big law practice which precludes all discussion of politics or semi-political things during business hours. Among close friends the ex-Governor is willing to gossip about public affairs, but the doors of his law office are closed against such talk. Colonel O’Ferrall told an intimate acquaintance a day or so ago that personally he was an anti-convention man, and that he thought any constitutional reforms which seemed needed should be submitted to the people in the shape of amendments, as the existing Constitution permits. He thinks the suffrage question an exceedingly delicate one, and is of the opinion that a sweeping effort to disfranchise the Negro might prove a boomerang. Moreover, he believes in giving deserving Negroes a show, especially as white men brought the Ethiopions here. Furthermore, this is a very democratic country and too much severity along the disfranchising line would be utterly inconsistent with republican institutions. In Colonel O’Ferrall’s opinion, the educational qualifications is a risky thing too. ‘During the war,’ said he, ‘I had many men in my command who had to sign their names with a cross mark, but when it came to doing their duty and fighting—or good, sound sense, either, for that matter—they were fully equals, if not superiors, of some college bred fellows I have seen. To deprive these men of their vote would be utterly wrong. ‘No sir,’ continued the ex-Governor, ‘I would rather see all the Negroes in the state voting than have one good white man disfranchised.’ These sentiments dropped from Colonel O’Ferall’s lips in a very hasty and informal conversation with a friend and by no means belong to that class of newspaper ‘interviews’ which are prepared beforehand.” Ex-Governor O’Ferall stated the whole case in a nut-shell. His position is terse and yet to the point and in keeping with the high standard which he always sets. He lives not for today: he is making history for his children tomorrow. The ex-Governor is truly magnetic and some day when prejudice has had its sway and reason seeks its throne, he will be called to lead the hosts of true democracy. And it continues: “The allusion which the Times made a week ago to the strong and somewhat unexpected sentiment in the Virginia Democracy against wholesale disfranchisement of the Negro, has created interest and excited general comment. Hon. William A. Jones, the Congressman from the First Virginia District, is the latest public man to express his concurrence in such views. Mr. Jones quoted as saying that he is opposed to any election law that will disqualify a single white voter in the State, and that the respectable element of Negroes should not be denied the right of suffrage that is given by the Constitution of the United States. He thinks the chief object of the convention should be to make an up to date Constitution and believing that the right of suffrage is very little abused, he sees no necessity for sweeping changes in the organic law Mr. Jones is further quotes as saying: ‘I wish to state again that I believe that any wholesale disfranchisement of the Negro other classes will be detrimental to the State, and I am opposed to any such action. Of course, the vicious should not be allowed to vote. A remedy can easily be found for this. Whatever the result of the Constitutional Convention should be the instrument submitted to the people. They should be the judges of what they want in this most important matter.’’ Couple this with the declaration made to us by prominent white Virginian Democrat that the Negro will not be disfranchised by the Constitutional Convention and the situation is decidedly interesting. The latter had given us, however the reason of reasons, and that was the growing belief that the next Congress which will be overwhelmingly Republicans will proceed to enforce the provision of the XIV Amendment for the reduction of representation in those states only which have forfeited the right by the wholesale constitutional disfranchisement of the Negroes within their borders. It is indeed a deplorable state of affairs that thirty years after the war the Negro-haters should be in the saddle stirring up race-prejudice, injuring business interests and retarding the financial growth of one of the most prominent sections upon the face of the globe. O, the pity of it!</text>
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              <text>Ex-Governor Charles O’Ferrall indignantly cries out against implementing a “literacy test” for voters, thus denying the uneducated suffrage.</text>
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              <text>Ex-Governor Charles T. O’Ferrall in the issue of the Richmond, Va., Daily Times of April 2nd, 1901, discussed “Should the Ballot Be Taken Away From Those Who Cannot Read?” He said: “Sir,--It must be admitted that general intelligence at the ballot box is much to be desired; but the educated voter is certainly not always a worthy citizen, nor is the illiterate voter by any means always an unworthy citizen. We all know college graduated who are worthless and venal, vicious and dangerous, and we all know illiterate men who are thrifty, honorable, orderly, and law-abiding.” The above is laying down a strong premise and again: “Virginia contains within her borders thousands of men who cannot read, who are public spirited, leading upright lives, perform their duties, faithfully and dint of their hard commonsense, industry, and economy have raised themselves from the position of day-laborers to that of well-to-do free holders. We can recall a number of men without learning who have been successful contractors on railroads and other public works. During our war between the States In knew Confederate soldiers, some of them still living, who had to make cross-marks to their names and pay-rolls when they drew their service pittance, who were just as brave, just as true as nay of their educated comrades. I know men whose fathers dying on battlefields leaving helpless families were compelled to devote their young days and boyhood energies to the supports of mothers, brothers and sister with no opportunity to attend school, who are today in their illiteracy most respected citizens. Shall all these men be told by their native state that when ‘the people’ are assembling to’ execute a freeman’s will’ that the polling places shall be barred against them; that they shall have no more voice in the affairs of their government than dumb brutes; that only the educated shall say who shall be rulers and law-givers, what statutes shall be enacted and what taxes shall be levied?” He continued: “It has been argued that as Virginia for the past thirty years had fostered and maintained a public free-school system, voters not able to read have themselves to blame. This may be true to a limited extent; in the main it is not true. It is not true as to the adults in 1870, when the free-school system went into effect, for free schooling was not offered to them. Many a dissolute father has kept his children from school to support him in idleness. Should the sins of these fathers be visited upon these children? In other instances the services of the children in households were required to maintain impoverished families, depriving them of the advantages being offered. Should these unfortunates, who are now voters, be held responsible for their lack of learning? In some sparsely settled sections schools could not be maintained. Should men raised under such circumstances, to whom the State would offer no opportunity in their youth, be condemned for not acquiring something that was not within their reach? I am just as much opposed to an educational qualification as I am to a property qualification.” This is strong language. He clinched it however when he said: “As I have already intimated, Virginia did not, in 1861, define her call for defenders of her soil and honor to her educated sons and she would now, if she needed soldiers to stand between her and danger. Cruel and ungrateful indeed would it be for her to say one of her sons returning from some sanguinary plain with his badge of honor on his manly breast. ‘You responded loyally to my call; you did your duty well and bore yourself bravely; but as you cannot read I cannot trust you with a ballot; you must be content to let your educated brothers do the voting and run the government.’ What an outrage that would be upon common justice and right! I repeat, a State has the general constitutional power to restrict suffrage. She could have an aristocracy of aged and wise men, or a plutocrac of landlords and millionaires as her ruling power without violating the letters of the Constitution of the United States.   I am not arguing against the naked right of a State to draw the line between the rich and the poor, the cultured and the illiterate at the ballot box; to enfranchise the one and disfranchise the other. It is not necessary to tell me this thing can be done with a brazen face and bold affront and keep within the organic law. I know it. I am arguing the injustice and wrong of a policy that would stamp inferiority upon a class whose minds may be untutored, but among whom are multitudes whose common sense is strong whose hearts are loyal to their country’s welfare and who are ever ready to bear their breasts in their country’s defense.” But why comment further? Ex-Gov. O’Ferrall has gone to the root of the matter. He is able. He is fearless. He is brave. God bless him. He considers Virginia’s interest paramount to that of any individual citizen. It is not his love for the Negro, but his devotion to great principles which has caused him to lead the way and demand a hearing in the forum of the commonwealth. The end is not yet.</text>
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                <text>&lt;i&gt;Richmond Planet&lt;/i&gt;</text>
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                <text>Gov. O’Ferrall and the Illiterate Voter</text>
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              <text>The Planet quotes the 14th and 15th amendments explaining just how unconstitutional the “Constitutional” Convention of Virginia actually is.</text>
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              <text>The Constitutional Convention of Virginia seems now to be a veritable white elephant on the hands of the people of Virginia. Most of the work is being done by committees and none seems to be attracting as much attention as the one to which has been assigned the duty of restricting the elective franchise. All kinds of reports are being circulated as to what the committee will do. The latest is that a poll-tax qualification of $1.50 will be required. This was tried once before and soon became one of the most unpopular measures ever placed upon the statute books. We cannot fully understand Senator John W. Daniel. He is chairman of that committee. He is sworn to support the 14th and 15th Amendments to the Constitution of the United States. Article XIV is as follows: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States, and of the state in which the reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without due process of law, nor deny any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” Could language be plainer? It is mandatory and there can be no escape from its plainly expressed provisions. Article XV reads: “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by previous condition of servitude.” This too is equally sweeping and yet the Richmond Dispatch of Sunday July 28th, the reporter stated: […illegible….] For the suffrage problem is the problem of all. It is not the wish of the advocates of a real estate qualification that there be any educational requirement. This latter is regarded as a makeshift so far as it would be effective in eliminating the Negro vote. The Negroes are rapidly learning to read and write. It is not improbable that the class of colored illiterates is decreasing more rapidly than is the class of white illiterates. The Negro is also acquiring real estate more rapidly than is generally supposed. That is, the number of Negroes owning realty is steadily increasing.” He continues: “But it is a fact that there are few Negroes who own land to the value of $300. At least that is the view of the advocates of the real estate qualification. While there are Negroes who own small pieces of land, there are said to be few who own pieces worth as much as $300. The advocates of the real estate qualification are most earnest. The fact that they are so much in earnest, and the further fact that they number nearly one-third of the committee. Which is a much greater than is claimed by the advocates of any other plan, gives hope to its advocates.” He says further: “The Suffrage Committee will meet again Tuesday morning. It may report in two weeks. It has the most difficult work of any of the committees. Every plan of suffrage proposed maybe be objected to on the ground that it will cut some of the white men of the State out of the right to vote. It is the belief of the advocates of the real estate qualification that is will deprive fewer whites of the right of suffrage than any other proposed as a method of eliminating the mass of the Negro vote.” One of the members was desperate indeed, for he is quoted as follows: “One of the most prominent members of the convention said yesterday that he was considering the propriety of offering a resolution which should provide that none of the tests provided in the suffrage clause should apply to the full-blooded Negro. He will probably offer the resolution. This is regarded as significant, as indicative of the fact that the whites of the State are not opposed to the Negro exercising the right of suffrage simply because he is a Negro. ‘The old issues’ Negroes are not giving any trouble, and have not given any.” The plan to disfranchise white men’s Negro offspring would indeed raise a howl from one section of the state to the other. The body should engraft a provision making it a felony for a white man to carnally know a colored woman and vice-versa, fixing their punishment at confinement in the penitentiary from one to five years. Some of our females are so white now that they charge us with bad manners because we hesitate to speak to them on the streets. If the constitutional convention will take hold of this end of the question, it will be the cause of much satisfaction on the part of the advocates of the rights of the full-blooded Negro. This then is an insight into the situation. How can Christian legislators or atheistic ones with honorable intentions disregard the amendments, which they as citizens are bound to support? This is the question of questions and will be a source of embarrassment in Alabama as much so in Virginia.</text>
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