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              <text>Brian Schrott</text>
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              <text>John Mitchell Jr. speaks to the politics of City Council and building a bridge over the James River.</text>
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              <text>The actions of the Manchester, Va., City Council in refusing to permit the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad Company lower the free bridge over the James River, unless it agreed to build an entirely new structure, which would cost at least ($100,000) one hundred thousand dollars and possibly more was a blunder so stupid that we have time and again wondered who is directly responsible for it.
Here is a corporation in which can side-track Richmond at its pleasure and make a terminus at some other point, if it so desires, offering to place one to two million dollars worth of improvements in this city, and a portion of this amount of money placed here must necessarily pass into Manchester which is virtually a part of this city, and a portion of this amount of money placed here must necessarily pass into Manchester which is virtually a part of this city; and yet city legislators so far forget themselves as not only to embarrass the company but to endanger the project itself.
If bridges are built, the surface leveled, buildings erected, the labor of Manchester must necessarily be called into service and every merchant, mechanic, workman would feel the exhilarating effect of such industrial activity in our midst.
It is plainly evident too that work is what is needed; labor is suffering, and children of the laboring classes are crying for bread.
The action of this body then savors of criminality, even if it does nothing more nor less than delay the commencement of these improvements many months. What must be said of their course then should it result in the killing of the project?
Right on the heels of this insane policy comes the announcement that some “wise-acres” are endeavoring to find an excuse for bringing forward a bill for back taxes against this same company, aggregating some two-hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars. This is done too in the face of the proposition to expend nearly two million dollars in improvements in this locality. Common-sense should have dictated that even of the claim were a valid one, it should be laid over for a period of time, say, five years, until the new buildings were well under way or completed.
But as it is these agitations scare away capital and paralyze industry. It is the laboring classes who primarily feel the effect of it, and it reacts upon the real-estate men, the insurance men, the groceries, the dry-goods dealers, the shoe-dealers, and lastly upon the banks themselves.
Our people have at times been rated as “simpletons,” but we challenge a comparison with any act of theirs which will surpass in stupidity and folly the ones noted.</text>
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                <text>18970206-Blundering City Fathers</text>
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                <text>1897-02-06</text>
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              <text>Megan Brooks</text>
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              <text>The Planet criticizes The Richmond Times Dispatch for its constant talk of the black man and how it “gives advice, scolds and the lectures  the people of the North upon the subject.”</text>
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              <text>The Richmond, Va., Times Dispatch seems never to tire of its discussion of the Negro question. It gives advice, scolds and the lectures  the people of the North upon the subject. It declares against any interference with the “infernal” affairs of a southern state. &#13;
    The unconstitutional laws now upon that statute books of this sections are not annulled or repealed and no one in authority has yet proposed that they shall be. &#13;
    The plank in the platform of the Republican Party only declares in favor of a reduction of the representation of a state, just in proportion that its citizens are disfranchised for reasons other than crime,etc. This is as applicable to Massachusetts as it is to South Carolina. That Virginia will be a much worried sufferer goes without saying in view of the falling off to the vote in this state. …..&#13;
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              <text>Upper Left Quadrant</text>
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                <text>1904-12-03</text>
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              <text>Emma Alvarez</text>
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              <text>Congress passes a bill that requires Brownsville soldiers to prove their innocence to President Roosevelt in order to re-enlist in the army. </text>
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              <text>“Yet truth will sometimes lend her noblest fires, and decorate the verse herself inspires; This fact, in Virtue's name, let Crabbe attest; Though Nature’s sternest painter, yet the best,” - Byron. We are of the opinion that if the administration at Washington expects to counteract the blighting effect of its action in the dismissing from the army without honor Companies B C and D of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, so far as it relates to the Negroes in all of the States in this country, it would be well to “get busy’ and pass the bill for relief as soon as possible. It would be well to state though that the measure introduced by Senator Warner of Missouri is worse and useless so far as it affects the colored vote in the doubtful States where men will carefully scan all such measure and will have explained to them the blighting effect of this kind of legislation. Here is the report as published in the newspapers of the country: Washington, March 19, -- With the approval and at the instigation of President Roosevelt, Senator Warner of Missouri introduced today the bill intended to permit the re-enlistment in the army of former members of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, who were discharged without honor by the President on the ground that they participated in or were engaged in a “conspiracy of silence” with reference to the shooting affray at Brownsville, Texas, in August, 1906. The bill authorizes the President to permit the re-enlistment of such of the Negro soldiers as can establish to the President’s satisfaction that they were not engaged in and had no guilty knowledge of the affray. One year from the date of the approval of the act is given the soldiers to establish their innocence. Men permitted to reenlist will get pay and allowance from the time of their discharge “without honor” in November, 1906. Senator Foraker had introduced a bill previously to provide for the restoration of the discharged men to the army. It differs from the Administration bill in permitting the Negro soldiers to re-enlist upon making oath that they were not involved in the affray. The point we desire to make is that President Roosevelt and that element of the Republican Party leaders supporting him have reversed the rules of criminal jurisprudence so far as they concern the soldier of this Black Battalion by requiring them to prove their innocence. Let us see. A white man is charged with stealing a thousand dollars, which theft constitutes a felony. He is arraigned in a court of law, either in the United States, Great Britain, Germany, or France. The judge’s instructions throw the burden of proof upon the commonwealth. In other words this alleged thief can fold his arms and say to the lawyers for the prosecution, “I refuse to say a word. You prove my guilt.” If the commonwealth or lawyers for the prosecution are unable to produce evidence to prove that the accused man did steal the thousand dollars, the court will instruct the jury to acquit the prisoner. This is the rule of law in all limited monarchies and republics. Insufficient evidence to convict is always the basis of the grounds for an application for a new trial. When you deny to any man or set of men, white or colored, Gentile or Jew, this inherent right vested in the constitutional provisions of every State in this Union, you deal him a staggering blow, which blow is morally speaking as criminal as the wound of an assassin. This is strong language but we mean no disrespect to the distinguished statesmen, whose public actions are now under discussion. It is the law in Texas as much so as it is the law in Virginia, and it is the law in Virginia as much so as it is the law in the District of Columbia. The report of the Committee on Military Affairs to the United States Senate is unanimous in one respect and that is that after four months of investigation, it has been impossible to determine the persons who shot up Brownsville, Texas August 13, 1906. There are only one set of men in this country, who seem to know who shot it up and they are the President of the United States, the Secretary of War and the War Department. These gentlemen did not content themselves with punishing the Black Battalion by dismissing it from service, but went so far as to visit individual punishment upon 167 men by dismissing them without honor and by marring their military records. One of them Sergeant Mingo Sanders of South Carolina, who had seen twenty-eight years of service and whose valor upon the battlefield had been sung in song and story, was among the number who were so scandalously treated. How then under our code of laws could President Roosevelt and Secretary of War William H. Taft extend to the individual members of the Black Battalion infamous punishment in violation of our Constitutions and our laws? In no country upon the globe, outside of an absolute monarchy, where the will of one man is law would such a course of action be permitted. Yet this is what Senator Warner of Missouri at the instigation and with the approval of the President of the United States offered in the Senate of the United States. Secretary Taft is a jurist. He is well informed on those points of law which form the basis of well nigh every limited monarchy and Republic in the world. He knows the laws as handed down and promulgated by Blackstone and he knows that such a proposition is foreign and antagonistic to every one of them. There should be no surprise then when he refused to answer the question propounded to him by Bishop Alexander Walters, pleading that it was “not according to the rules of the game”...</text>
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              <text>Cali Hughes</text>
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              <text>While the Cubans sympathize with the tragedy of the sinking of the Battleship Maine, the Spaniards in the area are either indifferent or pleased at the American tragedy.</text>
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              <text>Their regrets insincere.
	
Statements of Americans just arrived from Havana.

Cuban’s Attitude Contrasted.

The latter showed evidence of genuine grief over the terrible disaster—the naval court martial at work investigating—proceedings will be kept secret—sending divers to aid in the work of investigation. The Spanish battleship Vizcaya sails for Havana—national senate passes a bill to add two artillery regiments to the army.

New York, Feb. 22.—The Ward line steamer Seguranca arrived at Quarantine yesterday from Tampico and Havana. The Seguranca arrived at Havana at 10 o’clock on the morning after the disaster to the Maine and passed close by the wreck. The Seguranca’s passengers said that great excitement prevailed at Havana, and at the time of sailing the foreign population were generally of the opinion that the Maine was destroyed by design. They cited among other things in support of this theory the fact that the Spanish man-of-war, Alfonso XII, which was anchored near the Maine, changed her moorings just previous to the disaster. 

C. P. Holcomb, of New Castle, Del., general manager of a street railroad in Philadelphia, one of the passengers on board the Seguranca, was outspoken in his belief that the investigation at Havana would reveal some startling circumstances. “I went to Havana,” said Mr. Holcomb, “not at all in sympathy with the insurgents, but on Wednesday, when we got to Havana, I believe any of the Americans on board was in a mood to commit murder. The flags of the Spanish warship were not at half-mast. The vessels of all other nationalities had paid this slight tribute to the dead.

“The contrast between the bearing of the Spaniards and Cubans is strong. At the funeral of the Maine’s seamen, the Cuban women in the streets were almost all dressed in mourning, while the Spanish women wore colors. The only Americans flags I saw in the whole procession were two small ones about three by six inches. I went aboard the Alfonso XII and was received politely. The only expression of regret I heard there was from an officer, who complained that the force of the Maine explosion had broken his toilet bottles. There can be no mistaking the indifference of the Spaniards in Havana over the loss of the warship and those on board. ON Thursday, while driving to the cemetery with two American friends, I was assailed with jeers, and someone threw a large stone at our carriage.”

F. W. Bobbett, of this city, who was with Mr. Holcomb in the carriage, added:

“That’s perfectly true. In fact, one or two children yelled after us that they had blown up the ‘Americano,’ and that they were glad of it. I did not hear a single expression of regret for the terrible loss of life from any Spaniard during the time I was in Havana.” 

Frank Weinheimer, of this city, an eye witness of the explosion and a fellow passenger of Mr. Holcomb, told the following story:

“ON Tuesday evening, I strolled down to the water front for a breath of fresh air. A number of persons were walking about the pier near the custom house. The first intimation I had of an explosion was a crunching sound. There came a terrible roar. Immense pieces of debris flew skyward form the Maine. Some of them must have been thrown at least 300 feet. It looked as though the whole inside of the ship had been blown out. Many persons on the pier were nearly thrown from their feet by the force of the explosion. The air became stifling with smoke, and the crow on the pier rushed back toward the city.”

Mr. Weinheimer said he heard an excited Spaniard declare shortly after the explosion that if the “Americanos” sent another warship it would also be blown up.

M. J. Naughton, an insurance man of Chicago, who was staying with his wife at the Grand Hotel Pasaje, described the panic which existed in Havana shortly after the explosion, and said further: “The Spanish officials were quick to express sympathy and acted very well as a whole, but I think their expressions of regret lacked the spontaneity and warmth which would have been characteristic of an American city had such a disaster occurred under similar circumstances.”</text>
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                <text>1898-02-26</text>
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              <text>William Jennings Bryan advocates a Democratic senator’s election in Kentucky, where he is unwelcomed, while declaring his own hopes for presidency. </text>
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              <text>Frankfort, KY. -- The climax of William J. Bryan’s visit to Frankfort was reached when he spoke to the Democratic members of the legislature behind closed doors, advocating the election of former Governor Beckham as the United States senator, Mr. Bryan said neither Governor Beckham nor anybody else had invited him to Frankfort. He declared he had no fears for himself. He said he was told in the Goebel campaign that he might hurt himself if he came to Kentucky. “I am not afraid of hurting myself when the interests of the Democratic party are at stake,” said Mr. Bryan. “I might be a candidate this year,” he said. “I do not know, Only two delegates have been elected, and they have been instructed for me, but they are not enough to elect me. If what I say here affects my chance of election, it is not a sufficient bribe to keep my mouth closed. I am in the habit of saying what I think.”
He said he had come to Kentucky not for Beckham, but for the Democratic nominee and that if McCreary were the nominee for senator he would be here speaking for McCreary. “I am here,” said he, “because I believe the Democratic ticket has a good chance to be elected this year. I do not know who the Democratic standard bearer may be, but I know that it takes a Democratic senate and house to uphold the president. I do not want to be a president simply to sit in a chair, but to do something for the people. 
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                <text>1908-01-25</text>
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                <text>Bryan Has No Fears</text>
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              <text>At his last day of campaigning in New Jersey, William J. Bryan delivers an enthusiastic speech for the Democratic party and “expressed his sorrow” for people who were “compelled to live” under the Republican party’s rule.
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              <text>Trenton, N.J., Sept. 16 - Pouring hot shot into Mr. Taft and the Republican party at every point where he stopped, William J. Bryan in this city concluded a strenuous day of campaign in New Jersey, following a few hours in Philadelphia, where, in front of a newspaper office and before an enthusiastic throng, he arraigned the Republican organization of that city and expressed his sorrow for people who he said were compelled to live under its rule. Switching into national politics, he asserted that the Republican standard-bearer promised there would be no panics, and that Mr. Roosevelt as Taft’s godfather promised the same. He wanted to know how Mr. Taft could prevent panics, when Mr. Roosevelt already had one on his hands. Only an hour before his arrival in that stronghold of Republicanism Mr. Bryan fired a broadside at Mr. Taft in a statement in which he cited his record on the several matters to which Mr. Taft had challenged him to declare himself. Mr. Bryan’s reception in New Jersey was a demonstrative one. At Washington park, on the Jersey side of the Delaware river, below Philadelphia, he addressed more than 35,000 persons, his audience according him an ovation. His speech of over an hour was continually interrupted by cheers and hand-clapping. A statement by him that his nomination for a third time after two defeats, and with no president to help him with his patronage, was due to the growth of the ideas for which he stood, provoked the wildest enthusiasm. His every utterance, almost, was directed at Mr. Taft, whom he charged with running on the record of President Roosevelt. Enroute here Mr. Bryan spoke at Camden and Burlington to great crowds and shook hands with many hundreds of persons. Standing on the rear platform of his car in Camden, the Democratic candidate assured his heared that the voters were studying the issues of the campaign. He declared that in every state the changed where in the direction of the Democratic party, and that there was no place in the United States where the changes were from that party. Incidentally he again attacked T. Coleman Dupont, of the Republican executive committee, reiterating his former charge that Mr. Dupont, as a trust magnate, was unfit to occupy the position of attempting to institute reforms. Along the line of travel from Camden here minute stops were made at a dozen places, at all of which large crowds turned out and gave him and enthusiastic welcome.</text>
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                <text>Sept10 1908</text>
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                <text>Bryan Invades Jersey</text>
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              <text>Brooke Royer</text>
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              <text>House members debate the Nicaragua Canal Bill and discuss the decision of the United States to control the strategic canal. </text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="675">
              <text>Mr. Hepburn opened debate and spoke for two hours.
Washington, Jan 8.-- The debate on the Nicaragua canal bill in the house was opened in lively fashion yesterday by Mr. Hepburn, chairman of the interstate and foreign commerce committee, which reported the bill. For two hours he held the floor, replying to a volley of questions concerning the recent offer of the Panama Canal Company to sell its property and franchises to the United States for $40,000,000. The interest in the debate centered almost entirely in this new phase of the subject. Mr. Hepburn maintained that the alleged new offer of the Panama company was part of the play of delay. All his utterances along that line were liberally applauded. He pointed out what he claimed was the suspicious circumstance that the Panama company held out for $109,000,000 until it was decided before the holiday recess to consider the Nicaragua bill, and then suddenly dropped the price to $40,000,000. Mr. Morris, of Minnesota, gave notice that at the proper time he would offer an amendment to authorize the president, if he could procure the property and rights of the Panama company for $40,000,000, if concessions could be procured from Colombia, and if the Walker commission so recommended, to purchase and proceed to complete the Panama canal.
In the Senate.
The first notes of the contest between the Nicaragua and Panama routes for the isthmian canal were heard in the senate yesterday. Mr. Morgan offered and secured the adoption of a resolution which indicated his purpose to have the committee on interoceanic canals inquire into the relations alleged to exist between the transcontinental railroad companies of the United States and Canada and the Panama Canal company. In explanation of the resolution Mr. Morgan declared that the alleged relations were a “wicked monopoly” which already had cost the people of the Pacific coast millions of dollars. The relations involve the control by the Panama Canal company of the Panama Railroad company and the agreement existing between certain railroads of the United States and the Pacific Mail Steamship company.</text>
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              <text>The state auditor general for Pennsylvania cannot find papers from 1902 about the $2,000,000 contract for metallic furniture in the capitol. The state fears they could have been overcharged.</text>
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              <text>Capitol Papers Have Vanished
	Harrisburg, Pa., April 10.-The official copy of the schedule of 1902, upon which the $2,000,000 contract for the metallic furniture of the new capitol was awarded to the Pennsylvania Construction company, is missing and can not be found. This schedule is necessary to show the terms of the contract between the board of public grounds and buildings, composed of the governor, auditor general and state treasurer, and the construction company. Without the schedule the state would be unable to recover anything from this company if it should be found that there has been overcharges for the furniture.
	The testimony before the capitol investigating commission showed that the official copy of the annual schedule for the state supplies is kept by the superintendent of public grounds and buildings. A copy is also kept by the auditor general as a guide in setting the accounts between the state and the contractors for the state supplies.
	Former state officials testified that they had made a diligent search for the missing schedule and that they were unable to find any trace of it. This was the most important evidence adduced at the session of the investigating commission, which will go to New York to take testimony.
	Auditor General Snyder said certified copies of the awards upon the schedules made in 1901, 1902 and 1903 could not be found, although he had mad diligent search for them. He repeated this search for them. He repeated this search with assistance two months ago, and now thinks they were not in his office during his term of office. He first made a search in 1904, as he wanted the schedules in order to audit the bills. The warrant clerk said he had seen them in the desk of former Auditor General Hardenbergh.
	“What other important papers are missing from the auditor general’s office?” asked Senator Dewalt, a member of the commission.
	“No other papers, except the schedules for 1901, 1902 and 1903,” was the reply.
	Mr. Snyder then explained that he had at one time seen the schedule of 1902 after he took office in June, 1904.
	Former Auditor General Hardenbergh testified that the schedules were in his office when his term ended, and his successor, Mr. Snyder, assumed office. The schedule were kept in his desk during his term of office and no one had access to it bur himself. Mr. Hardenbergh said he tried to find the missing schedules when Mr. Snyder asked him about them, and that made a diligent search for them. He was unable to recollect how long before he left office the missing papers were in his desk. He did not  miss the papers until a few years after he retired from office. He knew of no other important papers during his administration which are missing.
	“Have you any explanation to make for the absence of these missing papers?” asked Mr. Dewalt.	
	“I have not: they just dropped out of sight, and I have no idea where they went,” Mr. Hardenbergh replied.
	S. Wilson Heaton, of Philadelphia, member of the firm of Heaton and Wood, sub-contractors under Sanderson for flooring in the capitol, was the next witness. He produced a letter written to Sanderson in July, 1904 offering to lay the floor at 53 cents a square foot complete. He afterward offered to furnish the flooring at 45 cents, without a concrete base. His second offer was accepted, and he laid 1538 square feet and was paid $6088.50. Sanderson was paid $1.27 ½ a square foot for the work.
	Charles W. M. Juhle, a former employe of Architect Hutson, testified that his work was to copy the original drawings of Henry Ives Cobb. The doors of the room in which Juhle worked were locked by orders of Huston, and drawings were kept in a secret drawer when not in use. The witness explained that Cobb was the architect who originally designed the capitol, and that Hutson got all his ideas from the Cobb drawings.</text>
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              <text>The Democratic Party issues a statement accusing President Roosevelt of using the spoils system to gain votes for Secretary Taft. 
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              <text>New York, Oct. 14 - The Democratic national committee, through John J. Gordan, assistant and acting chief of the press bureau at headquarters, ha made public the following statement: “It was state at the national Democratic committee headquarters that President Roosevelt, by promise of office, has succeeded in having one of the big men of the American Federation of Labor desert President Gompers in his advocacy of the election of Mr. Bryan for the presidency. The labor leader in question is Daniel J. Keefe, of Detroit, president of the International Association of Longshoremen, and one of the vice presidents of the Federation of Labor. The Democratic committee alleges that Keefe and the president were closeted for several hours in Washington on Saturday, Oct. 3, and the offer of being named commissioner general of immigration, made vacant by the death of Commissioner Sargeant, was made, in consideration of Keefe repudiating Mr. Gompers and the executive council of the federation. “Keefe on Saturday last issues a statement, in which he said: ‘I am going to vote for William H. Taft.’ “It is pointed out that on Sept. 25 last the executive council of the American Federation of Labor issued a circular calling on all organizations of labor to work for the defeat of Mr. Taft and Republican congressman, seeking re-election, and Mr. Keefe authorized his signature to be attached to it. “The source of the Democratic committee’s information was not divulged, but the information was offered that if Mr. Keefe or President Roosevelt deny the charge, another big labor leader, now in New York, will come forward with facts to prove that the offer was made, and Mr. Keefe accepted it and has commended to make good his part of the deal.</text>
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              <text>At a meeting held in Boston, many blacks involved with the “Niagara Movement” speak about black suffrage and the importance of blacks being elected and voting.</text>
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              <text>Cheer Name of Foraker.
Roosevelt and Taft Decried as False Friends.
	A public meeting was held last night in Faneuil Hall under the auspices of the Niagara movement in observance of the centenary of the abolition of the American slave trade and the birthdays of Longfellow, Whittier and Agassiz. The hall was well filled, and at times considerable enthusiasm prevailed. A white man, Andrew B. Humphrey, who was one of Foraker, which was the signal for great cheering.
	The audience was composed mostly of colored people, although there were at least 100 white men and women present. Only two of the speakers, Prof. DuBois and Br. Bulkeley, referred to the announced subject of the meeting. The other addresses dealt with the administration, Taft and Foraker.
	The meeting opened with prayer by Rev. Dr. J. M. Waldron.
	Vocal selections were sung by Miss Grace Majors and W. H. Richardson, with Mrs. William Parker Hare accompanying on the piano.
	Dr. William E. B. DuBois presided and said in part:
That Niagara Movement.
	“The Niagara movement was formed by 29 men three years ago for manhood suffrage. We are trying to prove to the world that the American nation ought not to change from the foundation on which it is raised. 
	“The slave trade was a demand for labor. In the centuries to come we are going to have an industrial system, not the making of wealth, but the making of men. He problem of the black or the white workman in the south is the problem of the white workman at the north. Freedom of political rights must be given to all workmen in this country if this country is to be a pure democracy.”
Yale Graduate There.
	George W. Crawford, a New Haven lawyer and a graduate of Yale College, was the next speaker. He was followed by Rev. Dr. Charles S. Morris, pastor of the largest colored Baptist church in New York city, who said in part: “Is there any person in this audience who believes the American Negro has all the rights that belong to him as an American citizen? The ballot has been taken from our hands. We have been ‘jim crowed’ and peonized, and in some portions of this country we have no rights that a white man is bound to respect. 
	“The Niagara movement says that the ballot is what the colored man wants. Every time the Negro loses the ballot he loses his civil rights and his standing before the courts in the south: he loses his public schools or gets a shorter term of education. If in protesting against these wrongs against our race we Niagaraists are called ‘sore heads,’ radicals and the like, we are willing to be called such.
The Loyalty Of The Race
	“Our race for its loyalty has earned the hate of one political party and the contempt of another. We would be unworthy of American citizenship if we who can vote do not use our ballot effectively. I have seen the bleeding forms of the Negro kicked out of the army by the man whose fame they pricked with bayonets on the sands of Cuba, and now next year they ask us to follow this leader again? (Cries of “Never!”) The ballot next year will register the black man’s will like lightning does the will of God.” (Great applause.)
	Humphrey For Foraker.
	Andrew B. Humphrey, secretary of the Constitutional League of New York, said he had been down in Kentucky where the administration failed to get an indorsement for Taft. He wanted the world to know that between Taft and Foraker he was for Foraker.
	“Because Taft cringed before the President on that discharged soldier affair,” he said, ‘I do not believe he will ever be President of the United State.”
	Dr. William L. Bulkeley, principal of public school 80, New York city, pointed out the steadfastness of Whittier, Garrison and Phillips in the cause as an example to be followed today.
	The last speaker was Rev. Dr. R. C. Ranson, who said:
The Negro Here To Stay
	“The Negro is not going to leave this country. Whether we are to be serfs is a very serious question. We ourselves are divided on this question. We are more acceptable in the south that in Massachusetts on the industrial question. The Negro made in God’s image must not be less than a man in this country. It is the duty for us to stand up as citizens.”
	Letters were read from Mayor Fitzgerald, Col. Higginson and Frank Sanborn.
Address To The Country.
	Dr. Dubois read an address to the country which cites that this has been a year of wrong and discrimination. It demands federal legislation forbidding exclusion of any person from interstate cars on account of color, and the full exoneration for the discharged colored soldiers. It concludes:
	“We call on the 250,000 free black voters of the north: Use your ballot to defeat Theodore Roosevelt, William H. Taft, or any man named by the present political dictatorship. Better vote for avowed enemies than for false friends: but better still vote with the white laboring classes, remembering that the cause of labor is the cause of black men and the black man’s cause is labor’s own.”
-Boston Globe, Aug 29, ’07.</text>
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